Mcardle Thesis California

Mcardle Thesis California-40
(3) Examining the predictors of individual and group differences in developmental shapes.(4) Studying dynamic determinants among variables over time.

(3) Examining the predictors of individual and group differences in developmental shapes.(4) Studying dynamic determinants among variables over time.

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But Californians apparently once thought it was all true, embracing that illusion and basking in the dubious distinction of having passed New York State in population in 1962.

Bragging of the arrival of 1,000 to 1,500 new residents each day, California gave little thought to the implications of the influx.

Kevin Grimm was supported by a National Science Foundation REECE Program Grant (DRL-0815787) and the National Center for Research on Early Childhood Education, Institute of Education Sciences, U.

Schrag's thesis question is: How did California move from exuding positivism, enthusiasm for growth, and confidence in the 1950s and 1960s, to fiscal chaos, often randomly enacted and contradictory public policies, and the deep political and social divisions seen today?

Absent good will, adult leadership, and clarity of purpose or objectives, California appears doomed to continue on a downward spiral.

Schrag has provided an annotated list of virtually every political disaster visited on California since Pat Brown walked off stage following Ronald Reagan's surprise victory in the gubernatorial election of 1966.A split tax roll might cure this disparity, but Californians won't hear of it.Proposition 98, approved by voters in 1988, establishes minimum school expenditures with the result that other, often desperate, societal needs go begging.Sitting lightly in the saddle as they always have, California's electorate scurried from whim to fad, embracing each cockamamie scheme in turn.Schrag illustrates how the electorate, told that they distrusted government, unholstered their dual six-shooters to repeatedly shoot themselves in alternating feet with ill-conceived and often conflicting ballot initiatives.Convinced of the incompetence of elected officials by repeated assertions to that effect by racists, conservationists, teachers, the Christian right, and politically isolated minorities, Californians adopted constitutional changes that continue to deprive state and local government of the budgetary and policy flexibility needed to govern.Because a constitutional provision adopted by the voters cannot be overturned by the voters, amendments arising from the initiative process arrive ironclad in that, as Schrag notes, they represent both the will of the people--however whimsically devolved--and tend to acquire the characteristics of a third rail and thus become very dangerous for politicians to dispute.The reality was the loss of institutional knowledge, the decimation of professional staff, invitation to short term adventurers into public office, and the handing over of much of the legislative power to the "third house"--the six to eight hundred lobbyists registered with the Secretary of State and their long-term professional staff of many hundreds more.With the Assembly limited to three, two-year terms and the Senate to two, four-year terms, few members are around long enough to acquire policy insights, leaving them easy prey to the third house.Proposition 140 established term limits for legislators, the governor, and other elected state officers.The intent was to remove perceived deadwood and embedded corruption, and limit its reestablishment.

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